|Zapruder Frames 187-190|
|Enhanced still frame from Robert Groeden's DVD of the Tina Towner film with figures who may be Charles Nicoletti and Johnny Roselli indicated.|
|The "magic bullet" presented in evidence to the Warren Commission.|
|Pre-operative X-ray of Connally's wrist; two bright fragments are visible.|
|Wrist fragments presented in evidence to the Warren Commission.|
|X-ray of Connally's thigh with fragment indicated.|
|Other fragments found in the presidential limousine.|
|An agent of the Secret Service with attendant officers of the Dallas police washes down the limousine, destroying forensic evidence.|
Recently I have added a collection of 8-mm films of the John Kennedy Assassination, including the unspliced version of the original Zapruder film, plus a few related films, made available on DVD by Robert Groden to my library. Much as I admire his efforts to bring to light that information he has presented, I find that there is a missing facet from all scenarios with which I am familiar of this great national tragedy. Having discovered on-line a good, clear scan of the Zapruder film, I am at last able to obtain images and frame counts to support my presentation, and consider first the events presented by Abraham Zapruder in the original, unspliced film.
When the film begins, an anticipatory crowd only one person deep lines the curb along Elm Street as the presidential limousine rounds the curve in front of the Texas School Book Depository. Kennedy appears acknowledging and waving to the public on his right, but this row of people is not waving, cheering or clapping and the President, somewhat sheepishly perhaps, lowers his hand. Someone in the crowd catches his attention, and the President resumes waving, then looks back over his right shoulder. He looks forward again, holding his hand in the air. Suddenly Zapruder loses framing on the vehicle, but it is restored just before the President is lost to view passing behind the Stimmons Freeway sign.
As the limousine emerges from behind the sign, Kennedy's hands have nearly reached his throat and he is saying something. Governor Connally is looking towards his left and as he turns toward his right, just looking behind, he is hit in his right shoulder and pushed down by the force into his seat. President Kennedy has blacked out and Jackie is holding him upright trying to see what is happening to him. It is to be noted that there is an open umbrella as the limousine emerges from behind the freeway sign. Seconds later as he moves past the position nearest the camera, the president is shot in the right temple, throwing his head sharply to his left.
It should be pointed out that the speed of bullets at just over Mach 1 is such that a bullet from any angle would pass completely through the field of view of the camera in 1/40th to 1/30th of the time required to expose a single frame of the film, which took a little under 1/18 of a second. Thus there is no possibility of a visible time lapse effect for the passing of any bullet. These factors combine to rule out the scenario presented by the Warren Commission where a single bullet is held to be responsible for all wounds in both men except for the shot to Kennedy's right temple. The shot to JFK's throat and that to Connally's shoulder cannot come from the same bullet because the time dynamic shown by the original Zapruder film makes that interpretation categorically impossible.
It is apparent under the circumstances that the reason visual framing was temporarily lost on the limousine at frame 190 was that Mr. Zapruder flinched when startled by the opening of gunfire. Human reaction time to such cues has been calculated at about 1/5 of a second. The 8-mm film recorded at 18.3 frames per second, so the gunshot would have been fired three frames before the visual framing is lost, frame 187. In this frame, JFK is looking over his right shoulder and has just given his final wave before unresponsive spectators alongside the curb. In frame 188 he finishes his look to the right. In frame 189, JFK turns somewhat towards the front and begins to draw his hand inside.
Initial medical evidence noted by doctors at Parkland Memorial Hospital gives the dimension of Kennedy's circular throat wound as a mere three to five millimeters across, consistent with a piercing wound of entrance. The wound was utilized as an initial opening for an incision to insert a tracheotomy tube, adding a slit through the small opening. The size of the opening and the timing of the shot suggest that it did not come from a rifle, but from a .38 caliber handgun fired from the crowd a few feet to Zapruder's left.
Circumstantial evidence of this in the Zapruder film may be inferred from the fact that the President did not exhibit any impact effect from this shot, unlike Connally's reaction to the shot which struck him. Victims of handgun shootings often feel nothing at first and are unaware that they have been shot. Indeed, according to Governor Connally's testimony, what JFK was saying as he raised his hands to his throat was "My God, I've been hit," which would be consistent with a scenario in which he had seen the gun fired at him, but was not aware that the bullet had found its mark until a half-second or more later as he felt blood begin to pour from the wound.
The Warren Commision's view of the Zapruder film was substantially different, of course. Clinging with unreasonable stubbornness to their theory of Lee Harvey Oswald as the lone assassin, they enlisted the help of the FBI to determine when during the course of the film there would have been a shot available from the perspective of the purported sniper's nest. They found that tree branches obscured the view for much of the distance and although there could have been a shot at frame 186, the brief glimpse offered between the leaves made it implausibly difficult. It was concluded that from the assassin's vantage point, no shot could have come before frame 210, when JFK cannot be seen behind the freeway sign. By frame 225, however, when the President emerges into view again, he is reacting to a shot in his throat and he has nearly concluded the gesture of reaching for his throat. The 15 frames interceding constitute just five-sixths second of time for the assassin to aim and fire, for JFK to realize what has happened, and to begin his reaction gesture.
Another film documents Kennedy's fateful arrival onto Elm Avenue from a near reverse-angle position to that of Zapruder. As the motorcade approached the front of the Texas School Book Depository, 13-year-old Tina Towner stepped off the curb and filmed the presidential limousine until, by her own account, the sound of the first gunfire. This film shows what JFK would have been looking at as he looked back over his right shoulder. Her pan tracks with the motorcade from the front of the Dal-Tex Building until the near end of the collonade, from the far end of which Zapruder begins filming a couple of seconds after the opening of her film and continues for several more seconds after her film ends.
In her film the people lining the curb are positioned in a virtual phalanx, shoulder to shoulder, before another man positioned farther back under the shade of trees. He appears to be standing on an embankment and wears an unbuttoned dark suit and fedora and seems to turn his head slightly following the motorcade. A few frames later the camera pans across another smaller man who seems to be talking and turning his head, perhaps following the motorcade.
Because there is no fill lighting to reveal detail and a high rate of motion to a low resolution film, I cannot determine with certainty whether the man fires a pistol or indeed makes any motion at all. The figure is very nearly in silhouette, except for his white shirt revealing that his coat is completely open, which could indicate the presence of a shoulder holster. More detailed examination of the face made by mounting frames of the film atop one another reveals that the man is wearing sunglasses. Critical moments of potential action are obstructed from view by the figure of a motorcycle policeman passing in the foreground.
Establishing correspondence in time between this film and the Zapruder film is hindered by the fact that JFK's head is turned away as the turn is made onto Elm Street. Because she left off filming the motorcade when the first shot[s] were fired, the end of her film would therefore correspond to Zapruder frame 190. I feel that this man under the trees would have made the best possible subject to begin any investigation into the JFK assassination as a physical scenario. It does not fill me with confidence that this possibility has been consistently overlooked by investigators and most especially by the initial investigators on the Warren Commission. That the Commission itself assigned no panel to investigate the particular question of who shot JFK was a logical criticism noted by Bertrand Russell at the time.
Because the President was looking off to his right at the time that Zapruder's timing evidence indicates the bullet was fired, any bullet coming through his back would not have continued in the direction of Governor Connally had it emerged from his throat, but would have continued into the people standing along Elm Street. Nevertheless the President had no other ventral wounds save that to the throat, so the bullet in his back, no matter where it is placed by the autopsy "evidence" that seems to vary from one source to another, could not have passed through JFK's body.
No attempt to dissect the wound to document this or any other path of travel through Kennedy's body was made by the official autopsy, so the use of this theory by the Warren Commission and its defenders is merely speculative. Important evidence regarding the bullet fragments in the wrist and thigh of then-Governor John Connally renders the single bullet scenario impossible. The bullet presented in evidence is complete, save for a small nick taken for analysis. The report states: "The weight of the whole bullet prior to firing was approximately 160-161 grains and that of the recovered bullet was 158.6 grains." The maximum loss of mass of the bullet would be a mere 2.4 grains.
Yet this bullet is supposed to have deposited fragments in the wrist and thigh of the collateral victim, as well as other fragments in the vehicle. The report states: "One fragment, found on the seat beside the driver, weighed 44.6 grains and consisted of the nose portion of a bullet. The other fragment, found along the right side of the front seat, weighed 21.0 grains and consisted of the base portion of a bullet." These two fragments alone constituted 65.6 grains, indicating at least one other bullet. This contradiction leads inescapably to the conclusion that the bullet in JFK's throat, the bullet in his back, and the bullet which passed through Connally were three separate shots, and not the single shot proposed by the Warren Commission Report.
The wound in the governor's thigh is also remarkable for another reason in that the fragments lodged deep inside were not related to the tangential wound just below the skin. As the report stated, "The surgeons who attended the Governor concluded that the thigh wound was not caused by the small fragment in the thigh but resulted from the impact of a larger missile." This reading of the matter seems to imply that the governor just happened to have some odd bullet fragments in his leg, but that they did not come from the shooting whereas the superficial puncture wound they noted was a result of the shooting. It is plain, however, that if the wounds are unrelated, it must be the fragments that resulted from the shooting and not the puncture wound. This latter wound serves only to validate an assumption of provenance to the bullet presented in evidence, which has no association with the shooting otherwise. Inclusion of that bullet, however, is vital to the case against Oswald because the fact that it had been fired from the Manlicher-Carcano rifle is the only physical evidence linking him to the actual events of the shooting.
Removing the crucial evidence of Zapruder's flinch from the print of the film given in exhibit to Jim Garrison's trial of Clay Shaw, Time-Life tampered with evidence presented to a jury as a matter of historical record. Claiming the splices were made because of unspecified "damage," the subpoenaed evidence would certainly qualify as deliberate and perhaps even malicious perjury on the part of the Time-Life corporation. The outcome of presenting the tampered evidence was to promote the illusion of the hypothecated single shot passing through two bodies, focusing attention away from the throat shot fired by the man under the trees. For the Garrison investigation it moved the focus onto the head shot and its concomitant alternative explanation of the elusive gunman on the grassy knoll, where all counter-theory and investigation has been focused ever since.
A gunman on the grassy knoll may not have been filmed or photographed by anyone in the crowd. A gunman under the trees, however, may well have been photographed before and after the event (as he may indeed have been filmed by Tina Towner) which would have proved a weak link in the conspiratorial chain of events. The man with the umbrella could also become a weak link as he would likely have been accomplice to the conspiracy, was certainly photographed by the crowd, and has never been credibly identified. Establishing the identities of these two persons would be a sine qua non of any attempt to expose the truth concerning the Kennedy assassination.
Other crucial evidence was also removed, however. While the limousine was parked in the Parkland Memorial Hospital parking lot, Secret Service agents, presumably under the orders of their superiors, wiped away blood stains on the trunk panel and in the interior, destroying the splatter patterning crucial to determining direction and sequence of gunfire. In the absence of the then-unknown Zapruder film, these bloodstains would have been the only evidence to determine the sequence of events in the shooting. The absence of such evidence, together with the absence of the crucial forensic dissection, in fact compelled the Warren Commission to conclude that it was unable to determine a sequence of shots, reporting: "The wide range of possibilities and the existence of conflicting testimony, when coupled with the impossibility of scientific verification, precludes a conclusive finding by the Commission as to which shot missed." The "impossibility of scientific verification" arose only because of the assumption of the lone gunman, and the failure to arrive at a definitive sequence of events shows a clear lack of regard for scientific precision in the matter.
Firing a .38 handgun from a crowd is a typical method of mob killing in the US, and it would be probable that a mafia gunsel could be identified in the crowd by law enforcement, particularly by the FBI. Jim Garrison might indeed even have received assistance from the FBI in identifying this man had he not been thrown off the scent by the tampered evidence concealing a very early shot to JFK's throat and had his investigation not been prematurely exposed.
The FBI, of course, would have been privileged to see the untampered evidence in its entirety, so they would have known of this simple and indeed obvious scenario, and would have been well able to establish the identity of the gunman. Because the matter of the assassination was not in their jurisdiction, however, but belonged by presidential decree to the Warren Commission, the Bureau would have been unauthorized and perhaps even prohibited from publicly disclosing its conclusions in the matter, which may well have gone into the personal files of J. Edgar Hoover where they might be used to blackmail government officials and others in power.
It has since been established that commission member Gerald Ford, director of the House Intelligence Committee, kept J. Edgar Hoover of the FBI apprised of the work of the commission as it proceeded. It has also been established that Allen Dulles kept James Angleton of the CIA similarly informed, allowing both of these agencies free hands at keeping evidence that might involve them far away from the investigation. Since the evidence of the Zapruder film, in conjunction with the initial medical notes as supported by the Tina Towner film make it obvious that there was a mob gunman present at the JFK assassination, the agencies had to work to scuttle a proper investigation.
Instead of investigating who killed Kennedy, the commission probed every detail of the life of their decoy suspect, Lee Harvey Oswald. Authority is cited to protect the findings of the commission, diverting attention from the fact that the physical case the report offers is without foundation by vehicular evidence, speculative with regard to autopsy evidence, and without provenance with regard to the "magic bullet." Given an even competent challenge from the defense, no jury would endorse the prosecuting evidence presented by the Warren Commission for its physical case.
It is often claimed by defenders of the Warren Commission that people love a conspiracy story and they would rather believe some cockamamie nonsense than the bulky, yet feeble report the commission offered. If this were true, defense attorneys would be presenting conspiracy stories as alternative scenarios and prosecution attorneys would jump at the chance to prosecute conspiracies. Instead attorneys know that it is virtually impossible to win a case founded on a conspiracy argument. Convictions of well known mob bosses, for instance, usually take many years of intensive investigations with many attempts to try them resulting in a string of acquittals along the way.
The presentation of complete physical evidence including the details of provenance, without undocumented speculations, is prescribed in every case to prove to juries with utter transparency that the government, local law enforcement, and the district attorney's office did not engage in conspiracy. Nevertheless, despite such precautions, planted evidence is much in evidence in American legal history. It is in these very matters of evidence pertaining to a physical case that the Warren Commission Report conspicuously fails to meet legal standards. As a fact-finding mission for the chief executive, the Warren Commission felt no obligation to meet ordinary legal standards. In the Foreward, the Report states:
"The Commission has functioned neither as a court presiding over an adversary proceeding nor as a prosecutor determined to prove a case, but as a fact-finding agency committed to the ascertainment of the truth. In the course of the investigation of the facts and rumors surrounding these matters, it was necessary to explore hearsay and other sources of information not admissible in a court proceeding obtained from persons who saw or heard and others in a position to observe what occurred. In fairness to the alleged assassin and his family, the Commission on February 25, 1964, requested Walter E. Craig, president of the American Bar Association, to participate in the investigation and to advise the Commission whether in his opinion the proceedings conformed to the basic principles of American justice."
I would propose that investigators give consideration to Agatha Christie's story Murder on the Orient Express, in which Hercule Poirot investigates a murder and finds a conspiracy: all the suspects are guilty, each has made a wound to the body and each left a piece of self-incriminating evidence on the scene in the hope that the tangle of clues will stymie the detective. Poirot finds the truth, but the case is too complex and conspiratorial to be brought before a jury, so he declines to prosecute because in any case the victim was a villain.
The victim in the case we are considering, however, was a President wildly popular with the public at large, but denounced as a traitor in conservative circles and as tyrant in mainstream media, as for instance by the editors of US News & World Report and The Wall Street Journal. The suspects – the mob, the military, Cuban exiles, intelligence agents, the patrician elite and their hired help in government – all have similar aims and views, especially as regards a progressive President who defies their wishes, but they have little reason to trust one another, despite their well documented social associations and interpersonal connections. For this reason the most likely conspiracy scenario would involve each participant making a contribution in one form or another to ensure continued loyalty from the others to prevent any exposure. Three elements would be necessary to bring about the assassination through conspiracy: funding, talent, and protection.
Funding could have been provided by H.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, and others. They had placed a full page ad resembling a funeral announcement in Dallas newspapers that day charging JFK with the crime of treason. H.L. Hunt was the local head of the John Birch Society in Dallas and Clint Murchison of the Minutemen, the militant wing of JBS. While crowds three to five people deep lined the streets elsewhere along the parade route, even along Houston Street in Dealey Plaza, those impassive persons in the Zapruder film lining the curb on Elm Street formed a phalanx only one person deep. They may have been intimidating and blocking others from crowding in behind them, thereby screening the gunman under the trees and giving him a clear shot.
I would propose that they may well have been members of the John Birch Society and Minutemen, knowingly acting in concert with a hired gunman. They could equally well have been the same persons who attacked with placards Adlai Stevenson at a speaking engagement in September of that year. Elements of the Dallas Police might easily have also been members of both groups. The FBI could have provided evidence to ascertain the question of membership in these radical right groups among persons on the scene in Dealey Plaza.
Although J. Edgar Hoover publicly stated he would remove from the Bureau any special agent who was a member of those organizations, the Bureau certainly sponsored infiltrator agents and Hoover was himself on friendly terms with many top financiers of the organizations. Indeed, Hoover stayed regularly at Murchison's hotel and played at Murchison's race track, despite the fact that the Bureau was aware of Murchison's connections to Sam Giancana and the Chicago mob. If the connection to the JFK assassination could be established, both the John Birch Society and the Minutemen would be branded as terrorist organizations, their members and financiers subject to arrest, their funds and the source of their funds seized. The families affected would include not just Hunt and Murchison, but wealthy elites from coast to coast.
Talent from government intelligence and military sources could come through Allen Dulles, but what was not known to the public at the time was that he could also provide mob talent. As director of the CIA he had authorized efforts by Howard Hughes aide Robert Maheu in September 1960 to recruit mobsters Johnny Roselli, Sam Giancana, and Santos Trafficante for the purpose of assassinating Fidel Castro. The unidentified potential gunman in the Tina Towner film would have connections to these same people. I suspect that they are Johnny Roselli and Charles "Chuckie" Nicoletti, hitmen employed by Sam Giancana's Chicago mob organization. Might it not stand to reason that Allen Dulles himself, fueled by political, policy, and personal grievances against the President, provided these contacts to the moneyed interests?
Although fired in September 1961 by President Kennedy for deceiving the White House in connection to the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, Allen Dulles still commanded tremendous loyalty within all branches of the federal government, but was no longer bound by bureaucratic regulations after his dismissal. If not still secret at that time, his dealings with Nazis before, during, and after the Second World War would have been considered duplicitous (if not treasonous) by the public, and his clandestine efforts against other nations through the CIA under his directorship made a mockery of international law, bringing ignominy upon American diplomacy, not to mention backlash upon American interests. Yet, far from being a suspect, and despite having means, motive, and opportunity, Allen Dulles was brought out of disgrace by LBJ who gave him the authority to vet for national security issues, taking the organizational lead into the investigation by the Warren Commission.
Protection for the conspiracy could only be achieved through the cooperation of the new President, LBJ. If getting to the bottom of the presidential assassination had been of paramount concern, why would the new President not allow the legal method established, due process, to take its course? Why intercede in the process of inquiries being instigated by the Congress and the state of Texas by appointing a federal "commission" of vague legal status and no power of subpoena, to prosecute for perjury, to protect witnesses, or to compel legal action? How reliable is our system of checks and balances if the executive can simply intervene in the judiciary at will by appointing a hand-picked panel?
The representation was made to the public that issues of national security were at stake, but as Bertrand Russell observed, "If, as we are told, Oswald was the lone assassin, where is the issue of national security?" For the President, as for those appointments which control the designation of national security, the distinction between national security and personal security is an idle intellectual exercise. LBJ's political career would have ended, swallowed up by the escalating investigations into the Billy Sol Estes and Bobby Baker scandals, had he not joined forces with the conspirators to remove the obstacle blocking him from the safe haven of the Oval Office. Indeed, LBJ could have been blackmailed into participation by J. Edgar Hoover, H.L. Hunt, and others in the Texas state government who might well have had access to the evidence regarding his many shady political dealings.
In our republic of competing parties, however, long-term protection could not be guaranteed by a representative from a single party. It would be necessary to have a top politician from the "out" party. Richard M. Nixon was in Dallas the day before, leaving that morning. His remarks to the press regarding his own future candidacy indicated that he believed LBJ was going to be removed from the Democratic ticket for the 1964 campaign. He had connections to mobster Sam Giancana dating back to 1947 as documented through a DoJ memo of November 24 of that year where the FBI is advised not to produce one "Jack Rubinstein of Chicago" (Jack Ruby!) in open testimony before HUAC because the man works "performing information functions" for the staff of Representative Richard M. Nixon, a member of that committee.
Fulfilling the agreement of protection after the fact would be difficult to guarantee to the other partners before the fact, however, for LBJ would be protected after obtaining office by "national security," and could then renege on his fellow conspirators. To demonstrate his good faith, LBJ would have to contribute something to the assassination itself. To Allen Dulles he could promise a seat on the investigation committee, but the only way he could placate the talent itself would have been to provide his own muscle.
He was forced to resort to stern political measures, however, in order to obtain members of the investigating commission. In a telephone conversation with commission appointee Senator Richard Russell, Jr. (D-GA) on November 29, 1963 at 8:55 p.m., LBJ persuades the reluctant congressman by referring to a breakfast they had at the Carlton Hotel in 1952. Russell's objections suddenly melt away and he says, "I'm at your command. ... I'll do anything you want me to do." He then proceeds to tell the Senator about persuading Earl Warren to serve by referring to "a little incident in Mexico City" that caused the Chief Justice to cry and say "I won't turn you down. ... I'll just do whatever you say."
Johnson complied with the needs of the conspirators in implicating himself through the person of Mac Wallace, a thug suspected of murdering witnesses in the Billy Sol Estes case. Catalogued as "unknown" until 1998, Wallace left a fingerprint on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository, while conceivably working as a spotter for the unknown shooter, watching the Chicago mobsters and giving the order to fire at a predetermined signal. Researchers have claimed that Sam Giancana furnished three of his associates in Dallas that day: Johnny Roselli, Charles Nicoletti, and Richard Cain. Given the physical stature of the unknown gunman under the trees, I would speculate that it was Charles Nicoletti. The person who caught JFK's attention, eliciting a wave and then a look over his shoulder would have been Johnny Roselli. He called out to the President saying, "Hey, Mr. President, look over there," while turning his head to look at the gunman. This would have been the predetermined signal attempting to mask the sound of the pistol with the sound of the rifle, and thus sowing confusion about where the shots were coming from. The man with the umbrella was close enough to observe whether the bullet had found its mark, and his pumping of the umbrella could have been the pre-arranged signal to other gunmen to fire at will, visible from all the surrounding buildings as well as from the grassy knoll since the device was positioned at the end of the Stemmons Freeway sign.
Because of Johnny Roselli's facilitating role in the project to assassinate Fidel Castro, personally overseen by Bobby Kennedy after the dismissal of Allen Dulles, JFK recognized the voice, though did not place it immediately. The President cheerfully complied and was shot in the throat as he looked back. In the event it may be surmised that the two shots resounded within a tenth of a second of one another, presumably with the rifle fire coming first. This rifle shot, which occurred while the limousine was too close to the building to aim on from that position, would have been the stray round which struck a curb, driving a fleck of concrete shrapnel into the cheek of James Tague before he had heard anything. For witnesses close to the event, the handgun would have seemed like a resounding of the rifle round and would serve to deflect attention from the mobster's exposed and vulnerable position. For James Tague, a hundred yards away, the two pitches of report would have combined in amplitude to sound to him like a cannon, different from the remaining shots, as he testified to the Warren Commission. Because the recognition of Johnny Roselli's voice would have been critical to this sequence of events, Bobby Kennedy might have been dissuaded from pursuing too vigorous an investigation if he discovered anything. He, too, could be implicated in any conspiracy that might be uncovered and the plot against Castro would have been exposed, to the ruin of American foreign policy.
There are two simple tests to determine whether this hypothesis is correct. The first is to appeal to the owner of the Tina Towner film to post a good, clear, high resolution scan of the frames to the internet, as has been done with the Zapruder film. This may allow positive identification of the two men in hats and clarify their actions. The second is to exhume and examine JFK's skeletal remains. If he was shot in the throat with .38 that lodged in his neck vertebrae, then the damage done by the impact would be clearly visible under forensic analysis. Because the bullet would have been removed before the Bethesda autopsy, there would also be marks on the bone indicating the use of some kind of surgical instruments in that process.
In 1981, Lee Harvey Oswald's body was exhumed in order to establish the identity of the person in the grave, disproving a "conspiracy theory" of considerable complication and a correspondingly low probability. I believe this scenario outlined has a high probability of correspondence to the actual events and could find easy corroboration or refutation through a well-warranted forensic analysis, the science of which has considerably advanced since the days of Camelot on the Potomac.
|||JFK Assassination Films: The Case for Conspiracy, Delta 82 482, Produced by Robert J. Groden.|
|||Warren Commission analysis of the Zapruder film|
|||Tina Towner film|
|||16 Questions on the Assassination, 6 September 1964, The Minority of One, pp. 6-8, Bertrand Russell.|
|||Warren Commission analysis of the bullet|
|||Warren Commission analysis of the limousine|
|||Warren Commission analysis of the governor's wounds|
|||Foreword to the Warren Commission Report|
|||Russell, 16 Questions.|
|||Nixon Predicts JFK May Drop Johnson, Dallas Morning News, November 22, 1963.|
|||DoJ Memo to FBI of November 24, 1947|
|||LBJ persuades Richard Russell|
|||LBJ tells of persuading Earl Warren|
|||Mac Wallace's Fingerprint|
|The link below connects to the Google video presentation of a documentary by Nigel Turner continuing his The Men Who Killed Kennedy series. Its information concerning Lyndon Johnson prompted apologies to Lady Bird Johnson from the History Channel after it aired when she and former presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter threatened legal action. It has been banned from further airing and distribution for purchase, but presents much valuable information about Johnson and local politics in Texas.|
|The Men Who Killed Kennedy: The Final Chapter, Episode 9, The Guilty Men|